Paul, Augustine, and the Jews

Bible Scholarship Paul Theology

6/20/2026 – This post contains Claude.ai’s summary of the transcript (in Dropbox) of the lecture by Paula Fredriksen – Paul and Augustine on the Redemption of the Jews.

Prompt: Summarize the attached lecture, identifying Paula’s understanding of Paul’s teaching and how Augustine differed or changed Paul and when they agreed.


Summary: Paula Fredriksen on Paul, Augustine, and the Jews

I. Paul’s Teaching

Fredriksen situates Paul squarely within Jewish apocalyptic eschatology — what she calls “a particularly radioactive type of messianic Judaism.” His entire theology of the nations and of Israel is governed by his conviction that the end of history is imminent.

Key elements of Paul’s position:

The cosmic timetable. Paul believes he knows “what time it is on God’s clock.” He has seen the risen Christ (1 Cor. 15), which proves that the general resurrection of the dead has already begun. The trumpet, the descent of the Son, the raising of the living and dead — all this is about to happen. As he tells Rome (13:11–12), “salvation is nearer to us than when we first believed. The night is far gone. The day is at hand.”

The mission to the Gentiles. The other sign of the end-time is the turning of the pagans away from idols to worship the God of Israel — precisely what Paul sees happening through his own mission. This is a fulfilment of Isaiah’s eschatological vision. Fredriksen notes that all of Paul’s letters are addressed to pagan communities, not Jewish ones.

The hardening of Israel: strategic and temporary. This is the crux of Fredriksen’s reading. Paul laments in Romans 9–11 that most of his Jewish kinsmen have not accepted the gospel, but his explanation is theologically specific: God himself has hardened them, and he has done so on purpose. It is a gracious, temporary miracle. By keeping most Jews from believing, God ensures Paul and other Jewish believers can run unimpeded throughout the diaspora completing the Gentile mission. Once “the full number of pagans comes in” (Rom 11:25), the hardening will lift, and “all Israel will be saved.” Jewish disbelief is thus not sinful but divinely orchestrated — strategic, provisional, and serving redemption.

Universal salvation as the climax. By Romans 11, Fredriksen observes, Paul’s argument reaches a kind of “fourth movement of the ninth symphony” where everybody is included. Despite saying elsewhere that “the unrighteous will not inherit the kingdom,” in Romans 11 Paul envisions a sweeping eschatological redemption — Jews, Gentiles, all.


II. Where Augustine Agreed with Paul

Augustine’s engagement with Paul is deep and genuine. There are significant areas of real agreement:

The basic texts. Augustine takes Paul — especially Romans — as his primary scriptural authority on Jews and Judaism. He quotes and builds on Romans 9–11 throughout.

Jews are not culpable for the death of Christ. This is a striking point. Augustine argues that since the Jews did not know Jesus was the Messiah, they cannot be held guilty of killing the Messiah. This departs sharply from the mainstream of Christian anti-Jewish polemic and represents a theological move Augustine shares with Paul’s spirit, even if Paul does not make the same argument explicitly.

The Old Testament God is the same as the God of Jesus. Against the Manichaeans, who construed the Jewish God as evil, Augustine insists — and here he stands with Paul — that the God who gave the Torah to Israel is the Father of Jesus Christ. This is what made Augustine’s position within Catholic orthodoxy, and it is fundamentally Pauline.

The literal/historical validity of Jewish practice. Augustine radically affirms that when God commanded circumcision, dietary laws, and Sabbath observance, he meant it literally — it was not mere allegory for spiritual realities. Jesus, Paul, and the original disciples were observant Jews. The first Gentile converts kept kosher. Jewish practice is divinely authored and therefore good. This is, for Fredriksen, one of Augustine’s most revolutionary contributions — and it tracks with Paul’s own statement that the law is “holy and just and good” (Rom 7:12, NRSV).

The “mark of Cain” as protection. Augustine reads Genesis 4 to mean that God’s mark on Cain is a mark of protection, not shame. He applies this to Jews: their very Jewishness marks them as a divinely protected people whom no emperor — pagan or Christian — may slaughter without incurring divine curse. This, too, flows from his insistence on the continuing theological dignity of Israel.


III. Where Augustine Departed from and Changed Paul

Here is where Fredriksen’s argument becomes most pointed. Augustine reads Paul through a fundamentally different set of assumptions — no longer apocalyptic imminence but a long, stable history — and this changes everything.

The hardening of Israel: punitive and permanent, not strategic and temporary. This is the central divergence. Paul says the hardening of Israel is:

  • Strategic — God’s plan to advance the Gentile mission
  • Temporary — it will be reversed when the full number of Gentiles comes in
  • Not sinful — Jews are not to blame; God caused it

Augustine says the hardening is:

  • Punitive — it is a punishment for sins
  • Permanent (or at least indefinite) — there is no clear timetable for its reversal
  • Evidence of guilt — Jews must be guilty of something, even if Augustine cannot specify what (“God only knows”)

Fredriksen notes dryly that Augustine’s glossing of Romans 1 (originally Paul’s lament about pagan morality) onto the Jews is rather like what rabbinic midrash does — pulling a verse completely out of context to make a new point.

“All Israel will be saved” — redefined. Paul’s statement in Romans 11:26 that “all Israel will be saved” is reinterpreted by Augustine to mean not all ethnic Jews but the Israel who believes in God — i.e., Jewish and Gentile Christians combined. Ethnic Jews as such will not be saved simply by being Jewish.

The massa damnata — the condemned lump. Augustine’s doctrine of original sin introduces a framework utterly foreign to Paul’s apocalyptic worldview. He reads Romans 9’s “potter and clay” imagery through the lens of Adam’s fall: all humanity is a massa damnata (condemned lump of clay), from which God, by sheer unmerited grace, pinches off a few to be saved. Jews are not uniquely damned — in fact, most Catholics are damned too, which is somewhat equalizing — but the optimistic universalism of Romans 11 has entirely evaporated. Heaven, as Fredriksen puts it, “is not going to be very crowded.”

The eschatological framework is abandoned. Paul’s entire argument makes sense only within imminent apocalypticism. He thinks the end is weeks or months away. Augustine, writing in the late 4th–early 5th century with the Roman Empire crumbling around him, has no such expectation. Without the eschatological pressure, Paul’s “temporary” hardening of Israel becomes a permanent sociological category, and the promised reversal recedes into theological abstraction.


IV. Practical Consequences

Fredriksen’s argument is ultimately historical as well as theological. Augustine’s teaching — paradoxical as it is — had a protective effect on real Jews in the medieval West. By insisting that:

  • Jews are divinely protected by their very Jewishness
  • Christian rulers who slaughter Jews bring sevenfold curse upon themselves
  • Jewish blindness, while not salvific, is divinely caused and not grounds for persecution

…Augustine bequeathed to the medieval church a theological rationale for tolerating Jewish communities even amid intensifying Christian hegemony. Churchmen trained in the Augustinian tradition invoked this teaching to restrain massacres that would otherwise have gone unchecked. The irony Fredriksen traces throughout is that a theology simultaneously more pessimistic than Paul’s (about salvation) and more historically engaged (about actual Jews as neighbors) produced better outcomes for Jewish lives than the soaring universalism of Paul’s own apocalyptic hope.